[Philippine corruption] Fighting from a Distance How Filipino Exiles Helped Topple a Dictator #7/70
During this period, more immigrants came
from the Philippines than from any other country except Mexico. They constituted the largest among the Asian
groups, more numerous than the Chinese and the Japanese. As a result, the exiles faced an ever-expanding
challenge: reaching out to a far more dispersed, and more numerous, group. Add to their numbers the Filipinos who
entered as nonimmigrants, estimated by the INS at more than 400,000 visitors each year between 1965 and 1974.
They brought with them their own perceptions of martial law back home that they communicated to the
immigrants.4
The 1965 wave brought distinctive historical experiences with them, too. As white-collar workers, fluent in
English and attuned to American culture (having lived through fifty years of American tutelage after the end of
the war in 1945), they easily adapted to their new home. With those advantages, they did not have to settle into
ethnic enclaves in U.S. cities as other Asian immigrants did. “They arrive in America capable of reading
supermarket labels, dealing with American tradesmen and joining in America's pop culture,” wrote the
Economist.5But by preferring
white-collar jobs to ethnic-based commerce, it added, they cut themselves off from a way of rising in society
that had helped other Asians boost their average earnings above those of white Americans. Their first order of
business was to put in place the basic necessities—employment, housing, and education for their children. There
was no time or inclination to indulge in political activities. And anyway, they had left the homeland for
good—the future was now America, and making it there.
English and attuned to American culture (having lived through fifty years of American tutelage after the end of
the war in 1945), they easily adapted to their new home. With those advantages, they did not have to settle into
ethnic enclaves in U.S. cities as other Asian immigrants did. “They arrive in America capable of reading
supermarket labels, dealing with American tradesmen and joining in America's pop culture,” wrote the
Economist.5But by preferring
white-collar jobs to ethnic-based commerce, it added, they cut themselves off from a way of rising in society
that had helped other Asians boost their average earnings above those of white Americans. Their first order of
business was to put in place the basic necessities—employment, housing, and education for their children. There
was no time or inclination to indulge in political activities. And anyway, they had left the homeland for
good—the future was now America, and making it there.
On the whole, they made it. In California, 42 percent were employed as clerical and sales workers, while 21
percent were professionals. In other states, 55 percent worked as professionals. This percentage tripled between
1960 and 1980. In the 1980s, Filipinos earned 18 percent less on average than Japanese and 13 percent less than
Chinese or whites, but 18 percent more than Hispanics and blacks. Yet they had the second-lowest rate of family
poverty after the Japanese because more Filipino women worked outside the home.6
percent were professionals. In other states, 55 percent worked as professionals. This percentage tripled between
1960 and 1980. In the 1980s, Filipinos earned 18 percent less on average than Japanese and 13 percent less than
Chinese or whites, but 18 percent more than Hispanics and blacks. Yet they had the second-lowest rate of family
poverty after the Japanese because more Filipino women worked outside the home.6
However, the younger, newest segment of this wave, mostly students—single, undecided about where to put down
roots, and perhaps with plans to return home after completing their degrees—chose to maintain their ties to the
Philippines. The Filipino exiles found this segment of the immigrant population to be more receptive and
responsive to their organizing efforts. University student groups were the audience for early public speaking
appearances. They came to meetings. They marched and chanted and hoisted placards at street demonstrations in
front of Philippine consulates. But their numbers were small in comparison to the much larger group of apathetic,
unconcerned, fearful immigrants.
roots, and perhaps with plans to return home after completing their degrees—chose to maintain their ties to the
Philippines. The Filipino exiles found this segment of the immigrant population to be more receptive and
responsive to their organizing efforts. University student groups were the audience for early public speaking
appearances. They came to meetings. They marched and chanted and hoisted placards at street demonstrations in
front of Philippine consulates. But their numbers were small in comparison to the much larger group of apathetic,
unconcerned, fearful immigrants.
Having made it, the latter centered their community involvement on social and fraternal groups. They formed
Philippine regional, professional, and school alumni associations with others who shared their interests. Many
promoted projects to raise money, via fundraising balls and donations, to send back to their former towns and
schools. Very few, if any, of these groups were openly political associations organized to promote the platforms
of the two major American political parties. Wary of any attempt to link their associations with the exile
groups, they refused to invite exile speakers as guest speakers to their social functions. Indeed, rank-and-file
members protested when their leaders did so.
Philippine regional, professional, and school alumni associations with others who shared their interests. Many
promoted projects to raise money, via fundraising balls and donations, to send back to their former towns and
schools. Very few, if any, of these groups were openly political associations organized to promote the platforms
of the two major American political parties. Wary of any attempt to link their associations with the exile
groups, they refused to invite exile speakers as guest speakers to their social functions. Indeed, rank-and-file
members protested when their leaders did so.
Political awareness was rarely their hallmark. Although the proportion of naturalized citizens was larger among
Filipinos than among other Asian groups, their turnout for U.S. general elections was low. Most of the 45 percent
of Filipinos who did vote during the 2008 U.S. presidential election were registered as Democrats, in contrast to
other Southeast Asians, who were more evenly split, with 36 percent voting Republican and 34 percent voting
Democratic.7
Filipinos than among other Asian groups, their turnout for U.S. general elections was low. Most of the 45 percent
of Filipinos who did vote during the 2008 U.S. presidential election were registered as Democrats, in contrast to
other Southeast Asians, who were more evenly split, with 36 percent voting Republican and 34 percent voting
Democratic.7
A study of the role of media in the life of Filipino immigrants during the martial law years concluded that by
1982, certain demographics divided the population:
1982, certain demographics divided the population:
What exists is a dichotomy within the overall group, and it is produced by several factors. One is demographical,
a large West coast population and a smaller East coast population. Another is the amount of time in the United
States, the West coast population being much older. A third factor are the educational levels, the East coast
having a higher educational attainment. A fourth is financial security and well-being, the East coast exhibiting
a higher standard of living and a greater potential for development. Finally, while not strictly related to
demographics, is the political dichotomy: after 1972 the Filipino-American group split into pro and opposing
Marcos factions. Most of the opposition groups were based in California.
a large West coast population and a smaller East coast population. Another is the amount of time in the United
States, the West coast population being much older. A third factor are the educational levels, the East coast
having a higher educational attainment. A fourth is financial security and well-being, the East coast exhibiting
a higher standard of living and a greater potential for development. Finally, while not strictly related to
demographics, is the political dichotomy: after 1972 the Filipino-American group split into pro and opposing
Marcos factions. Most of the opposition groups were based in California.
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